According to political theory, nation-states are formed by a government that represents a homogeneous people (nation) within a discrete territory. But sometimes things are more complicated in practice (Sassen 2006:Chapter 6). Announcing her new book “Territory, Authority, Rights” at Columbia University (9/17/2007), Sociologist Saskia Sassen talked about the new kind of sovereignty implied by the town hall meetings that former President Fox of Mexico (2000-2006) organized when he visited the United states while President. These town hall meetings were de facto meetings of citizens with their President, conducting political work, but taking place outside the Mexican territory, an event seen by some as a historical moment (even if local state governors had done the same thing before). It is true that Fox’s government had a clear program to bring the Diaspora closer to Mexico AND to talk about immigration to the U.S. government and public opinion, a sharp contrast with the two previous PRI Presidents, Salinas and Zedillo, who were more interested in talking about US-Mexico trade than about migration. It is important to point out that Salinas started the Program of Mexican Communities Abroad started in the 1990’s as way to create a consensus and support inside the United States for the passage of the NAFTA agreement.
As Alexandra Delano and Gustavo Cano (2007) explain, this strong interference with American policies affecting Mexican migrants is not entirely new. The Mexican government has gone through different levels of involvement with the migrant population in the United States but as their paper shows that the Mexican government has kept ties, to differing degrees, with Mexicans abroad for more than a hundred years. The fist example is the advocacy that the Mexican government tried to do in favor of the rights of the over 750,000 former Mexican, and now also American, citizens who stayed in the Southwest after the US-Mexico war of 1846-1848 (Cano and Delano 2007:698). Another clear example is the role that the Mexican government played in creating, along with the American government, the Bracero Program (1942-1964). Cano and Delano (2007) show many other examples of previous transnational ties between the Mexican government and Mexican citizens, mutualistic societies, and hometown associations of Mexicans living in the U.S.
Nonetheless, contemporary debates about similar issues give us some material to work with regarding the changing (or constant) nature of the nation-state construct:
In early September, 2007 during his first Presidential address, President Felipe Calderon condemned the growing anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.S. and said “Mexico does not stop at its borders - wherever there is a Mexican, there is Mexico.” This comment, received an standing ovation from the partisan audience gathered in the presidential palace (and not in the national Congress as has always been the case since the opposition held the building captive and thus prevented this from happening). But public opinion in the U.S. paid attention to these words and started criticizing the premises, which, if true, would entail a diluted sovereignty of the areas in the United States with a heavy Mexican immigrant presence, a long held claim of the critics of Hispanic immigration (Huntington 2005, Gilchrist 2006).
Talking heads at CNN and Fox news used this speech to remind Calderon of the premises of the nation-state theory and practice, not without an acid tone and some cruelty and irony.
Migration in Mind; Fox During, Before and After The Presidency
Even before Vicente Fox was President, as Governor of the central state of Guanajuato, along with close friends Jorge G. Castañeda, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser (R.I.P.), and Juan Hernandez, he elaborated a new vision for U.S. - Mexican relations, especially in terms of migration. They elaborated this new vision during visits to U.C. Berkeley’s Center of Latin American Studies, the University of Texas and elsewhere. They were looking to break with the PRI’s tradition of looking the other way regarding this thorny issue, fearing that any talk of migration would result in a critique of the Mexican political and economic system. They thought that if Fox won, the Democratic bonus would give Mexico a new legitimacy to talk about its members abroad and to play a more pro-active role in the international arena. They wanted to change the US-Mexico relation from one of submission/rebellion to one of cooperation.
As Mexican President, Vicente Fox told the Joint Session of the American Congress on September 6th, 2001, "It is our very firm wish, as Mexicans and Americans, to establish a new relationship, a more mature, full and equitable relationship based on mutual trust." The goal of that speech and visit was to openly have an influence in legislation and policy making in the U.S. regarding Mexican-American relations both home and abroad. Very few people criticized the premises and appropriateness of this speech at the time. One year after being elected Fox was heavily cheered and applauded in congress. Whether this policy agenda would have worked or not, September 11th, 2001 would no doubt change the mood of the nation and change its foreign and domestic policy dynamics.
While the view of Fox et al. was always minoritarian in Mexico, since it went against a long tradition of mistrust vis a vis American foreign policy, at the end Fox and company were able to change the negative public opinion that Mexicans had of their emigrant compatriots. During Fox's tenure the Mexican congress wrote a law to allow Mexicans abroad to vote (photo), not without many blocks which make voting almost impossible, but this set a very interesting precedent that could have a large effect on future elections if the mechanics are changed.
It is interesting to note that even after leaving government [amid scandals and in bad terms, as is often the case in politics] these men continued to push for migration reform from inside the U.S. Juan Hernandez published a book in 2006 called “The New American Pioneers: Why Are We Afraid of Mexican Immigrants?” Jorge Castañeda is published a book called “Ex Mex, From Migrants to Immigrants.” And most visibly Fox has come out with a new book called “"Revolution of Hope: The Life, Faith and Dreams of a Mexican President." The three books are written in English and are directed to the American public.
The most interesting thing is that Fox has been recently touring the country and giving interviews in popular TV shows, criticizing not only the lack of progress on immigration reform but also criticizing Bush’s “cockiness” and his low level of Spanish skills (all the while talking with an imperfect English, that no one has openly criticized). Fox has been invited to many popular TV shows but he was specially hit hard by Bill O’Reilly who interviewed him , and indirectly by Lou Doubs and Glenn Beck who wished they could have “debated” him.
Those who have spoken against illegal immigration in the last years have questioned Fox’s interference in U.S. politics and have often used his many unfortunate statements to further criticize the status quo regarding migration control. Fox presents himself as a spokesman of free trade and globalization, and asks for further cooperation, coordination, and exchange. Some of the angry critics on the right, as well as libertarians and people on the far left, warn against a North-American political union. People at all points of the political specter question his claims about migration, using against him his failures while President and the modest growth of the country.
Nonetheless, all have taken the opportunity to talk back to Fox as if he were a legitimate interlocutor and a representative of something even now that he is out of office. His advocacy, common for Carter and Bill Clinton, is without precedent in Mexican recent history. Ernesto Zedillo was the only other person who did something like this after he moved to the U.S. to hold a research/policy position at the center of Globalization Studies at Yale, and at the UN Millennium Project, but contrary to Fox, Zedillo is really careful not to overextend himself and is weary of talking in public or to the press.
Many of the comments in respond to blogs and news articles in the U.S. reporting on these issues have been negative and criticize Fox’s and Calderon’s intrusion in U.S. politics, something that stays very close to political theory and the concept of popular sovereignty as tied to a nation-state; but more than just a theoretical or philosophical proposal, these passionate answers show the embodiment of nationalism and the reification of national borders and culture in the imagined national community, and the fact that as Calhoun would argue "Nations Matter" (see Calhoun 2007).
Following all these symbolic struggles, real effects are resulting such as the national guard being mobilized to the border, and the construction of a wall being built between the two nations. But paradoxically at the same time a new plan (Acuerdo de Merida/Plan Mexico) of cooperation would bring American funds, purchases, and expertise closer than ever to help fight drug lords in Mexico. One could say that while being independent Mexico has lost much sovereignty to the U.S. because of NAFTA, the number of Mexicans living in the U.S., the dependence of millions of families on remittances, the millions of people, goods and contraband passing through its borders aiming to arrive to the U.S., Plan Merida, an important number of Mexican nationals fighting in Iraq, the large ex-pat community with more than a million influential American citizens settled in Mexico, and because of how much the Mexican economy is affected by the American business cycles.
President Calderon has been reluctant to meet with Mexican community leaders in the U.S. to prevent negative reactions; nonetheless, on Friday October 26th, 2007 he meet again with a group of leaders from the Institute of Mexicans Abroad who asked him to intervene more in protecting their rights into what they see as a growing xenophobic environment in the U.S. (Presidencia, Reforma 2007).
The question is, does a more open intervention by the Mexican government diminishes or increases the sense of “Mexicanization” of the U.S. and therefore loss of citizen sovereignty? Luis Ernesto Derbez, the Minister of Foreign Relations under Fox, after Jorge G. Castañeda left, thought so. That is why there was an arm-long distance to the discussion about immigration reform. But some say that this hampered its approval, although at the end this was something for the U.S. government to sort out.
The left presidential candidate Lopez Obrador, as well as Ernesto Derbez and then Felipe Calderon advanced a new policy/PR campaign of co-responsibility, that accepted that Mexico was part of the problem because of its high unemployment and poverty, but also part of the solution (partly in trying to close its southern and northern border to immigrants from Central and Southern America). It seems that critics from the right have taken these arguments and deployed them against Fox without approving of the idea of co-responsibility and preferring to act unilaterally (the way to act, according to the idea of national sovereignty and territorial independence).
There are some questions about these public debates and controversies: Is it that, by responding to Fox and company, their opponents constitute and legitimize them as relevant political actors inside the American Public Sphere even though they are not citizens? Or is it the contrary, and by the statements of Fox and the like are only drawing more attention to those with radical views? Where is the middle ground in all of this? Why are their voices not represented in the public media sphere?
One could say that this is only about personal popularity, and about increasing the ratings. But what is happening with the public watching these debates? Is it being critical of both sides or is it getting polarized?
References
Cano, Gustavo and Délano, Alexandra. 2007 "The Mexican Government and Organised Mexican Immigrants in The United States: A Historical Analysis of Political Transnationalism (1848-2005)", Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 33:5, 695 – 725
Presidencia. "El Presidente Calderón se reúne con Líderes de las Comunidades Mexicanas en el exterior.”Boletín Informativo Lazos. IME. Octubre 30, 2007.
Sassen, Saskia. 2006. “Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages.” Princeton: Princeton University Press.
On October 29th two 14 year old teens of Peruvian origin were stopped by the police in Madrid for riding a motorbike without helmets. The teens show wounds and told the media that the police had hit them and made a set of xenophobic remarks. The case is under investigation, the police department denies the incident.
Probably this case of police brutality made it into the Spanish TV only after a famous racist attack against a young Latina has brought the issue of racism to the national public sphere.
Racist Attack against Immigrant Teen on Barcelona’s Subway
On October 7th, 2007 a young Spanish man of 21 years boarded a train while taking on his cell phone boasting about having hit a “moro” or Arabic man.
Suddenly and without any provocation, he started attacking a 16 year old teen from Ecuador calling her "Zorra inmigrante de mierda", y "no sé para qué vienen estos inmigrantes de mierda" *&# while hitting and kicking her while still on the phone. An Argentinean man who witnessed the scene but did not intervened fearing for his safety.
Following the incident the Ecuadorian President and Minister of Foreign Affairs asked the government to punish this act while visiting the country. The President was careful to say that this was an isolated incident and that the Spanish generally give a good reception to Ecuadorians.
The victim has stated that the man was not drunk and she is afraid of going, and even about talking further about the issue.
According to El País, on October 28th a protest in La Puerta del Sol gather half a million people demonstrating against racism in Spain and condemning the attack to the young Ecuadorian.
In a radical example of blame shifting and boundary making, Latino immigrants have been blamed by some as the causes for the fires that have devastated California in the last days.
The New York Times reported on October 27th, 2007 that two "deportable men" where arrested on arson charges, one in San Diego and one in Los Angeles. The same article says that people crossing the border sometimes set fires, which could have maybe caused the fire.
Someone in Nashville, Tennessee posted a fake CCN website that claims that the Chicano student organization Mecha ("Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan") described as a "radical Hispanic separatist organization" started the fire! Fake site at
(after the request of CNN the false website has been removed, I downloaded a copy but I won't put it online since this entry is gathering too many visits...).
These arson theories look for a concrete individual or group of individuals to blame, which is easier that just blaming "nature" or God. But the arson conspiracy theory goes against the very name by which the fires have been called "wildfires" meaning natural occurring fires, that serve to bring nutrients back to the soil to nurture future flora. This arson theory also ignores the growing dryness of the American West and the droughts brought about by global warming (Gertner 2007).
When the Minutemen spoke at columbia University some of its supporters were wearing T-shirts with the motto "What Part of ‘Illegal’ Don’t You Understand?" this was meant to sum up all the "right reasons" to be againts illegal aliens not without causing resentment and polarization (Castaneda 2006).
Following the debate around New York driver's licenses the New York Times came up with an editorial that points to some of the problems with the framing of migrants as "illegal." A topic that academia has tackled (Ngai, DeGenova) but that still eludes much of the world public opinion.
What Part of ‘Illegal’ Don’t You Understand? By LAWRENCE DOWNES
Editorial Observer
October 28, 2007
"I am a human pileup of illegality. I am an illegal driver and an illegal parker and even an illegal walker, having at various times stretched or broken various laws and regulations that govern those parts of life. The offenses were trivial, and I feel sure I could endure the punishments — penalties and fines — and get on with my life. Nobody would deny me the chance to rehabilitate myself...Good thing I am not an illegal immigrant. There is no way out of that trap. It’s the crime you can’t make amends for. Nothing short of deportation will free you from it, such is the mood of the country today. And that is a problem.
America has a big problem with illegal immigration, but a big part of it stems from the word “illegal.” It pollutes the debate. It blocks solutions. Used dispassionately and technically, there is nothing wrong with it. Used as an irreducible modifier for a large and largely decent group of people, it is badly damaging. And as a code word for racial and ethnic hatred, it is detestable.
“Illegal” is accurate insofar as it describes a person’s immigration status. About 60 percent of the people it applies to entered the country unlawfully. The rest are those who entered legally but did not leave when they were supposed to. The statutory penalties associated with their misdeeds are not insignificant, but neither are they criminal. You get caught, you get sent home.
Since the word modifies not the crime but the whole person, it goes too far. It spreads, like a stain that cannot wash out. It leaves its target diminished as a human, a lifetime member of a presumptive criminal class. People are often surprised to learn that illegal immigrants have rights. Really? Constitutional rights? But aren’t they illegal? Of course they have rights: they have the presumption of innocence and the civil liberties that the Constitution wisely bestows on all people, not just citizens.
Many people object to the alternate word “undocumented” as a politically correct euphemism... The paralysis in Congress and the country over fixing our immigration laws stems from our inability to get our heads around the wrenching change involved in making an illegal person legal...
So people who want to enact sensible immigration policies to help everybody — to make the roads safer, as Gov. Eliot Spitzer would with his driver’s license plan, or to allow immigrants’ children to go to college or serve in the military — face the inevitable incredulity and outrage.How dare you! They’re illegal.
Meanwhile, out on the edges of the debate — edges that are coming closer to the mainstream every day — bigots pour all their loathing of Spanish-speaking people into the word. Rant about “illegals” — call them congenital criminals, lepers, thieves, unclean — and people will nod and applaud. They will send money to your Web site and heed your calls to deluge lawmakers with phone calls and faxes. Your TV ratings will go way up.
This is not only ugly, it is counterproductive, paralyzing any effort toward immigration reform. Comprehensive legislation in Congress and sensible policies at the state and local level have all been stymied and will be forever, as long as anything positive can be branded as “amnesty for illegals.”
We are stuck with a bogus, deceptive strategy — a 700-mile fence on a 2,000-mile border to stop a fraction of border crossers who are only 60 percent of the problem anyway, and scattershot raids to capture a few thousand members of a group of 12 million.
None of those enforcement policies have a trace of honesty or realism. At least they don’t reward illegals, and that, for now, is all this country wants." (emphasis my own).
Links
Downes, Lawrence. 2007. What Part of ‘Illegal’ Don’t You Understand? The New York Times. Editorial Observer. October 28, 2007
During his campaign for Governor of New York State, Eliot Spitzer met with immigrant groups, including leaders of the Mexican community in the city (friends of mine were present) to ask for their full support and promising he would push for more rights and respect for immigrant communities. On September 21st Gov. Spitzer tried to fulfill part of his promise by presenting a new law to provide driving licenses to all applicants regardless of their immigration status. This has been done in many other states including Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, Montana, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oregon, Utah, Washington and Wisconsin. On September 24th, 2004 Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed a law to provide drivers licenses to undocumented immigrants living in California.
The criticism to Governor Spitzer did not take long to come. Mayor Bloomberg (who some months before hold a day long conference with mayors of cities around the world on how to generate cooperation and governance with immigrant communities) spoke against the measure. Lou Dobbs could not miss the opportunity for his improvised and dramatic demagoguery.
It is interested that opponents have make the claims that undocumented migrants would be able to travel across borders with their new drivers license, even while it has become mandatory for everyone to use a passport to enter the U.S.
Another exaggerated claim has been that all these immigrants could vote only because they have a drivers’ license, if this is a real possibility it talks about problems with the voter registration system, which is independent from providing migrants with an official American ID.
Institutional Doorkeepers
Max Weber defines bureaucracy as the system in which government intermediaries and employees, bureaucrats, are to suspend all judgment on the personal characteristics of the applicant and to follow simple binary uniform guidelines. New sociological research (Cybelle Fox, Natalia Deeb-Sossa) points to how many government employees may act as doorkeepers and immigration enforcers in their differential everyday interaction with different publics. For example some social workers may provide different resources to different groups depending on their perceptions of the merits of each group.
Interestingly in the New York driver’s license controversy a group of county clerks and other bureaucrats openly spoke to the media about opposing the plan. Clerks went as far as stating they would report those who could not prove residency to local sheriffs. Kathleen Marchione, president of the New York State Association of County Clerks spoke about her opposition to issue licenses to “illegal immigrants”. Here we see again the framing of the issue as one of breaking the law by helping “illegal aliens.” This framing has convinced many that they are doing the right thing in opposing this law. Law enforcers are indeed put at odds with contradictory definitions of the “legal”, which most cause a cognitive dissonance that people like Dobbs and Giuliani are using for their personal benefit. On one side these public servants are required to apply a new state law mandated by the Governor to whom they respond directly, at the same time they see themselves as contravening a federal policy against regularizing undocumented migrants who entered the country outside of the official bureaucratic channels.
From the New York Times. Danny Hakim. Sunday, October 28th, 2007.
Given all the criticism he received for weeks in the rightwing media, Spitzer changed courser and proposed a set of different IDs with different requirements and labels: one open to all residents of the state; One for citizens that would comply with the Real ID Act, which aims to create a unified national ID; and one for people in up state New York, which could be used to cross back from Canada.
At the other side of the spectrum, Chung-Wha Hong, executive director of the New York Immigration Coalition and Donna Lieberman, executive director of the NYCLU commented to the NYT that they and the immigrant community felt “betrayed” by the Governors reversal (Rivera 2007). Spitzer never thought it would be so hard to act on such a polarized issue.
Defeat
On November 13th, 2007 New York Governor Eliot Spitzer abandoned his plan to provide driver's licences to undocumented New York residents. “I am not willing to fight to the bitter end on something that will not ultimately be implemented,” said Governor Spitzer in a press conference (Hakim 2007b).
Backlash
At Democratic candidates’ debate in Philadelphia on October 30th, 2007, Senator Hillary Clinton was asked why he thought that Gov. Spitzer's plan to give driver's licences to undocumented immigrants made sense.
SEN. CLINTON gave a nuanced answer, "what Governor Spitzer is trying to do is fill the vacuum left by the failure of this administration to bring about comprehensive immigration reform. We know in New York we have several million at any one time who are in New York illegally. They are undocumented workers. They are driving on our roads. The possibility of them having an accident that harms themselves or others is just a matter of the odds. It's probability. So what Governor Spitzer is trying to do is to fill the vacuum. I believe we need to get back to comprehensive immigration reform because no state, no matter how well-intentioned, can fill this gap. There needs to be federal action on immigration reform."
After the other candidates gave their opinions. Clinton came back and said, "I just want to add, I did not say that it should be done, but I certainly recognize why Governor Spitzer is trying to do it. And we have failed -- SEN. DODD: Wait a minute. No, no, no. You said yes, you thought it made sense to do it. SEN. CLINTON: No, I didn't, Chris. But the point is, what are we going to do with all these illegal immigrants who are (driving ?) SEN. DODD: Well, that's a legitimate issue. But driver's license goes too far, in my view. SEN. CLINTON: Well, you may say that, but what is the identification if somebody runs into you today who is an undocumented worker -- ...
SEN. CLINTON: Well, what Governor Spitzer has agreed to do is to have three different licenses; one that provides identification for actually going onto airplanes and other kinds of security issues, another which is an ordinary driver's license, and then a special card that identifies the people who would be on the road.(...)
MR. RUSSERT: Senator Clinton, I just want to make sure what I heard. Do you, the New York Senator Hillary Clinton, support the New York governor's plan to give illegal immigrants a driver's license? You told the Nashua, New Hampshire, paper it made a lot of sense.
SEN. CLINTON: You know, Tim, this is where everybody plays gotcha. It makes a lot of sense. What is the governor supposed to do? He is dealing with a serious problem. We have failed, and George Bush has failed. Do I think this is the best thing for any governor to do? No. But do I understand the sense of real desperation, trying to get a handle on this? Remember, in New York we want to know who's in New York. We want people to come out of the shadows. He's making an honest effort to do it. We should have passed immigration reform."
And your position is?
After this flip-flopping the attacks have not stopped, calling her "soft on immigration" and not being congruent, wanting to position herself at both sides of the immigration debate. The big losers of this successful attacks against the Spitzer plan were not only the migrants who looked for something positive to normalize they daily life but also it has become more costly for well established politicians on the left to stand on the side of undocumented immigrants.
Hillary Clinton's Health Plan proposal would allow undocumented people to have access to emergency and basic care but not more.
As she told A.P. "People who are here legally deserve some better treatment and acceptance in the law than people who are not here legally," she said. "These are hard choices."
This is another example of how the immigration critics have made it hard for anyone to be "soft on immigration."
Fouhya, Beth.2007."Clinton Health Plan for Americans Only."Associated Press. October 19, 2007.
"Oct. 23, 2007. SAN DIEGO - There are signs that Blackwater USA, the private security firm that came under intense scrutiny after its employees killed 17 civilians in Iraq in September, is positioning itself for direct involvement in U.S. border security. The company is poised to construct a major new training facility in California, just eight miles from the U.S.-Mexico border. While contracts for U.S. war efforts overseas may no longer be a growth industry for the company, Blackwater executives have lobbied the U.S. government since at least 2005 to help train and even deploy manpower for patrolling America's borders."
"L’Ennemie Intime" is a new French movie that aims to portray the Algerian war of Independence. Unlike the genial, “The Battle of Algiers”, which takes place in the capital of Algeria, “L’Ennemie Intime” depicts the military actions of the French army on the Algerian country side. The opening scene is about a mission to a Kabyle village. The films shows indirectly the atrocities committed during the war by the Algerian FLN (Front de Liberation National) like the killing of dissidents, including women and children who refused to help in the independence campaign, or who aided the French army. But it focuses on the equally atrocious actions committed by the French. Through the development of its main characters, the film shows a nuanced view of the actors within the war. Rather than portraying all the French soldiers as “evil” or ill intentioned, it shows how the situations they saw themselves involved in forced them to act in actions that the soldiers had previously disapproved, including torture.
This movie finds a lot of echoes with the war on Iraq, in particular, its handling of a people set to obtain independence at all costs, an unsustainable invasion, and the commitment of terrible acts of torture and terror that affect not only civilians but also combatants who end up permanently traumatized when not simply dead.
"The Intimate Enemy" is the French version of the American drama faced in Vietnam which was depicted in movies like “Apocalypse Now”, although “L’Ennemie Intime” is much less surrealistic and psychedelic. Showing the mental stress caused by war in a very realistic and powerful way.
An interesting point is that Algerians fought on both sides of this war. In one scene there is an interesting exchange between a FLN fighter and an Algerian fighting with the French. They were now at opposite sides of the conflict, even while both of them had fought on the Allied front fighting against the Germans in the bloody battle of Monte Casino outside of Rome. Left alone, the Kabyle fighting on the French side gives the other man a cigarette and asks him why is he now against the French, even while he defended France against the Nazis and was decorated for that.
The Algerian man answers, “For the French to be occupying Algeria is like the occupation that the German’s did of France.” He then lights the cigarette on both ends and says, “You are like this cigarette. On one side, you have the FLN against you, they see you as a traitor. On the other side you have the French. You fight for them but they will never see you as a Frenchman. What ever you do you have lost from the start. At the end you will no longer know who you are.” (paraphrase)
Along with “Indigènes” and other recent movies, “L’Ennemie Intime” is bringing the Algerian occupation back into the collective consciousness of the French polity, or at least to its filmic record.
On Wednesday 10th, October 2007 « La Cité Nationale de l'Histoire de l'Immigration » opened its doors to the public in the east of Paris. While French President Nicolas Sarkozy was present to inaugurate a new Museum of Architecture and Heritage (La Cité de l'Architecture et du Patrimoine) some weeks before, the French media did not fail to notice that neither the president, the first minister, nor the Minister of Immigration were there to inaugurate this museum.
As the New York Times reported, “This important museum tells the history of perhaps 25 percent of the French population, and it is stunning that it opened without the president of France,” said Patrick Weil, a historian of immigration. “It’s an insult, a denial of part of French history” (Sciolino 2007).
Part of the reason for the absence of politicians from the governing party was the Mariani clause in the new immigration law being worked out in Congress which would allow for the use of DNA tests to prove paternity in cases of family reunion for people coming from countries that lack civil registers, and which has been the object of a lot of controversy and opposition (more on this on a following blog entry).
I went to the museum with some colleagues doing research on migration on October 13th, the first Saturday that the Museum was open. Because of its inauguration the entry was free. The attendance on the morning was modest but in the evening there was a long line to enter going around the corner of the building.
The Museum used to house the Museum of the Colonies and Oversees Territories; a certain amount of exoticism remains in the art and architecture of the building, which gives a very clear message that the colonies were backward and savage and that France brought civilization to them.
The new museum makes the case that immigrants also have contributed much to France in different areas such as science as music, food, science, arts, sports, politics, and the military.
The Museum shows the different groups that have come to France from multiple countries and regions. The framing of migration presented in the museum is a positive one, and it includes a discourse about the advantages of diversity and it advances that France is more open now than it was before to foreigners moving to France; this outlook if partially the result of top-immigration scholars having participated in the design of the exhibition to different degrees and in different extents (not without political and ideological disagreements).
The Museum itself is an important reminder about the immigrant nature of the French Nation. Nonetheless, the Museum still reminds inaccessible to non-Francophones since all of its written, audio and visual material exists exclusively in French.
Le Monde. Le discret hommage de la France à ses immigrés. Le Monde. 10 Octobre 2007
"France just had its worst summer tourist season ever, despite the Rugby World Cup. Though attracting 79mn annual visitors, France has slipped to third place (behind the US and Spain) in terms of tourism income. French tourism chiefs are worried, and tourism boss LucChatel thinks he knows the root of the problem: “Our greatest handicap is our perceived lack of friendliness.” The French? Unfriendly? Surely not! Still, while Europeans, Americans and others are bypassing France, they can still rely on rising numbers of Chinese tourists, who it seems are immune to Gallic huffiness. While the rest of us have decided the French are just not worth the hassle, 700,000 Chinese tourists visited France last year, and the number is rising. Presumably though, as service standards continue to improve in China, while they remain stagnated in arrogant ‘shrug and tip me now’ mode in Paris, perhaps the Chinese too will eventually decide that French moodiness is not worth the effort." http://www.accessasia.co.uk/weekly%20update.asp
Not to generalize, but without being necessarily rude, the French have a different view about what "costumer service" and "hospitality" should be. This mainly affects tourists, but I wonder if this applies to the attitude the display towards immigrants moving to France?
California Prohibits Landlords from Asking Tenants' Immigration Status
October 14, 2007
“LOS ANGELES, Oct. 13. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (…) pleasing immigration advocates and Latino groups, signed a measure that prohibits cities from requiring landlords to check whether tenants are in the country legally.” “California becomes the first state with such a law, and the bills sponsor and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund predicted that the measure would be studied in municipalities across the country that have weighed similar status checks by landlords. Six cities, including Escondido in Southern California, adopted ordinances requiring verification, but all have been rescinded or have stalled in the face of lawsuits.”
“Then Mr. Schwarzenegger, pleasing his party’s conservatives, vetoed a bill to allow new citizens to register to vote on Election Day if their naturalization ceremonies were held less than seven days before an election. Opponents saw the bill as fraught with logistical and security problems and as a prelude to allowing same-day registration for everyone, which many Democrats have advocated.” “Mr. Schwarzenegger… is a naturalized American citizen from Austria"(…)
"Last year, Escondido, following cities like Hazleton, Pa., adopted an ordinance requiring landlords to check tenants status as a way, supporters said, to stem overcrowding in apartments and cut down on what they considered a swelling population of illegal immigrants taxing public services."
"But landlord groups around the state lobbied hard against such requirements and pushed the Legislature to take action."
"Malcolm Bennett, a Los Angeles landlord and president of the Apartment Association, California Southern Cities, which lobbied for the bill, said landlords believed that if tenants could document that they had a job and sufficient income, that should be enough to rent an apartment. It is not the duty of the landlord to verify the immigration status of a tenant, Mr. Bennett said” (Archibold 10/14/2007).
------- “The law signed this week by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenneger elicited a sigh of relief among landlord associations concerned that without it, they'd be forced to take on the cost and the liability of enforcing federal laws as "de-facto immigration cops," said Nancy Ahlswede, executive director of the Apartment Association, California Southern Cities. "We have huge anti-discrimination obligations," said Ahlswede, whose organization was among the legislation's sponsors. "We understand the frustration, but that burden shouldn't be placed on landlords."
“California has often staked new ground on immigration, whether with anti-immigration measures like Proposition 187, a 1994 ballot initiative meant to deny illegal immigrants social services, health care, and public education, or by hosting massive pro-immigration rallies and promoting trends like the "New Sanctuary Movement," in which churches seek to protect undocumented immigrants from deportation…”
“This latest law pushes against a national trend that finds tensions over immigration and shifting demographics increasingly being dealt with on a city-by-city and issue-by-issue basis. The law also specifies that landlords can't, on their own, decide to verify prospective tenants' immigration status.”
“Proponents of immigration control view the California law as another attempt to block citizens from defending their interests in an area where the federal government has failed.”…
“More than 90 cities or counties nationwide have considered ordinances that aim to discourage illegal immigrants from settling by making their daily life more difficult. Those include rules forbidding renting to undocumented immigrants, punishing businesses that hire them or requiring police to ask about immigration status.”…
“Greg McConnell, who has two rental properties and helped organize landlords in Berkeley to support the bill, said he's just glad to be out of the cross-hairs of a "bitter and inflammatory" debate that's much larger than they are."It's not a question of where landlords stand on the immigration issue, it's a question of who's to enforce those laws," he said" (Barbassa, 10/11/2007).
As a landlords' association has said when supporting the law before its passage, "Should the Governor sign into law AB 976 (Calderon), it will assure landlords that they cannot be compelled by local government to compile dossiers or become de facto immigration police concerning a tenant, a prospective tenant and occupants of any residential rental unit. The bill also reassures landlords and property managers that they will continue to be able to request and receive information necessary to determine the financial qualifications and identity of prospective tenants and prospective occupants without the ever present threat of a lawsuit" (Kingston 2007).
This sets a new precedent, very different from the situation in many other American states are well as in France, when renters have become de facto immigration officials.
This law does prevent however immigrants from facing discrimination when looking for housing, since it is still up to the landlord to choose who to rent to.
On Saturday October 7th, I saw on Television that a group of immigrants had set camp on the sidewalks in front of the fake "Le Ministère de la Crise du Logement" [Ministry for the Housing Crisis], an office created by activists groups to call attention to the critical lack of housing. After watching the short clip of this on TV, I decided to go to the site.
It turns out that since the beginning of the year, the building (close to the Bourse) has been taken over or “squatté” (as the media and activists call this activity) by three associations called “Droit au Logement” DAL (Right to Housing), Macaq a group of artists-activists trying to make ends meet, and an association of students without housing Jeudi Noir (Black Thursday since it is on Thursday when many of the housing postings appear in publications such as “de particulier à particulier”).
Chronology of Contentious Events
On the 4th of October, a number of families slept in red tents in the middle of the small street in front of the squatted building, blocking traffic. There were around a hundred people. The next day, the police evacuated them from the street around 5 a.m. The tents that were not taken by the police were then hung up from the balconies of the taken building.
The next night people slept on the sidewalks without tents. I visited the camp on the 8th and 9th of October and talked to some of the participants. On the 10th of October a large number of anti-riot police cleared the streets again around 5 a.m. in the morning. When I passed on the morning of the 10th, many buses, full of policemen, were parked in the area to prevent the families from camping again. Nonetheless, they went back to the streets and as of today (15th of October) they are still there.
Some of my informants told me that they are “not afraid of the police” and that “they know their rights” nonetheless they accept that it is “hard on the heart” to be woken up at 5 a.m. and been asked to disperse while they were half asleep. A woman told me, that after the first time they were asked to leave their tents and blankets, she was demoralized all that day.
Collective Conversations
On my first visit I talked to a young French man originally from Rhône. It turns out that he used to work as an engineer in large firm making electric equipment but one day he was fired for wearing Bermudas at the factory! He became an activist afterwards. He was accompanied by another person from the same area, a working class man who had lost his work and was evicted and since then lived in the streets.
Amongst all the people participating in the camp that day, these two guys seemed the most willing to talk to anyone curious about their action. They talked for at least an hour with three young French women, one of which was writing a note on the protest. I tagged along and listened to the conversation and asked some questions. They told us what they stood for, and what they wanted.
After dawn, food started to be distributed. After many of the people living in the sidewalk of de Rue de la Banque had eaten, an African lady, who was part of the protest, told us, “Come on the line, and eat with us because we are all the same. Are we not? Things have to be equal. Come eat our food.” The French women dismissed her politely. The activist said he had already eaten. I thanked her and assured her I would.
We continued talking next to where the food was being distributed. A long line of immigrants of African origin formed but even after the line became smaller, none of us made the line. After a while a North African man came and gave food to one of the activists. He took it but after the guy left, he said he had already eaten and then offered the plate of couscous to us. The French young women rejected it, so I gladly took it, since I had not eaten in the whole evening. I went and thanked the woman who had offered us food. Afterwards another woman of African origin offered me a drink based on maize and milk. I drank it and we chatted about the housing situation.
So, even among a group of progressive French, full of solidarity, I was the only non-African who had eaten with them. People of African origin appeared to appreciate that and started talking to me. I did not want to ask where they came from because when they talked about their cause, they were quick to point out that they were all French citizens. For strategic and political reasons, they were presenting themselves as French so that the media would not portray them as immigrants asking for rights “they were not eligible for.” A woman told me, “People think we are undocumented but no, we all have our papers. There are all French amongst us. The undocumented people do not have a right to public housing.” So in pushing their agenda, as political refugees or having recently received their legal residence or citizenship papers, they reproduced the division between documented and undocumented immigrants.
So, instead of asking where they were from, I asked a black woman where the drink originated from, and she answered “Mali”. It turned out that about 80% of the hundred people that had taken to sleeping in the streets in protest happened to be women from Mali and their children. None of the newspaper repots I read pointed this out, they just said “women and children from African origin.” Using a widespread practice of categorizing people by continents.
While most of the people sleeping in the street were black, the official, and the de facto spokespeople, were not. They spoke in the name of many of these immigrant/French families who cannot find housing and have been living in shelters, hotels, and in the streets for many years, after paying high amounts for temporary and precarious housing and always having felt insecure about their housing situation. A woman from Asian origin told me she lived in a hotel some blocks away. She paid more per month than the monthly rate of regular apartments I had found in my search of apartments. She said she had to pay daily, or by week at the least. But she was a couple of weeks behind in her payments, so she would have to go back to her hotel room soon, because if the hotel manager found she was not there, he would confiscate her belongings and put her in the street.
Sans Logement Proteste Rue de la Banque II October 8th, 2007
On my second visit I entered on the other side of the street as before. This time I caught the least visible part of the campers, since they were hidden behind parked cars. In the last set of “beds” I found not black African women and children like in the other side of the street but three white French women and a woman from the Maghreb (North Africa). So, there was racial segregation event at this “sleep-in” to protest lack of housing. The reasons were partly cultural and due to language differences, since the refuges from Mali had a limited knowledge of French.
I approached a group of women who seemed to be having a good time. They said this was “like a picnic”. One of the French women had come from the supermarket, with chocolate, bananas, yogurts, etc. She asked me what I was doing there and was somewhat distrusting of me, saying that Sarkozy had agents observing them and she cautioned the others not to talk to me. I said I was studying migration, and that in the shorter term I would write a blog about the incident.
It is interesting that the woman who was the most willing to talk to me turned out to be a Kabyle woman from Algeria. She told me about her migration story. She came to France eight years before with her older children so that they could go to school there. But she left her husband, who had a good job, as well as her younger children behind. She has not been back since. Her husband has been trying for years to get a settler visa for family reasons; so far he has not been able to get the visa. The woman’s brother is a book writer and sketch artist. He has combined these skills and written books about Kabylia for children. He has a tourist visa and often visits France but only for short stays since he says he has a better life in Algeria that in France.
This Algerian migrant arrived to France with no knowledge of French and now she speaks it rather well after eight years of “doing anything I could to learn the language” as she told me. “I have been here for eight years and I have not been able to find housing. I have applied many times, and I am still in line to get some housing. I live in a ‘foyer’ (emergency housing/long term homeless shelter) the problem is that they do no let my children stay there with me because they say they are too old to live there.”
“So what do they do?” I asked.
“They are students. They are getting ready for their exams in order to get into a good college, and get a diploma and then get a good job. Not like me… My oldest son was here yesterday, he slept in the street with us and he told me he would work hard to get me and himself a house in Paris. I said that all I wanted was a modest house in Kabylia. He said that he would prefer to stay and succeed in France and that we would only go to Algeria for vacations.”
“And what do they do about their living situation?” I asked.
“Well, I sneak them in. But I if they find me they would kick me out.” “They gave us a two bedroom apartment. But another woman lives in the other room. So me and my three children sleep in one room. My older son said yesterday. I am glad we are here because I am f* tired of sleeping in the floor for all these years.”
Then, our conversation was stopped because a middle-aged French man came and started talking to us. Asking what “we” were doing. What was the purpose of being there? Until when were the people planning to be sleeping in those streets? It turned out that he was the owner of the car parked next to the woman. And he was worried about people sitting in it, breaking the windows or worse putting it on fire. The French women assured him that they meant no harm, that they clean the street twice a day in order not to leave any trash (which was indeed the case since they would clean the area at least twice a day). And they would take care of his car and make sure nobody did anything to it. He thanked them and offered to bring them coffee the next morning.
The woman who had brought the goodies from the supermarket said that she had had better times but that lately she had found herself without housing. She was wearing very nice clothes, as were her co-squatters.
I asked the French man where he lived. He said “around the corner, but in a very small place.” He said he empathized with the woman because he would like to move to a bigger place. He knew that if he moved to a new place he would not be able to afford it. He thanked the woman for looking after his car and left.
The French woman then offered me some chocolate and talked to me for 45 minutes about Sarkozy, police abuse, and their housing problems. After the initial reluctance of one of the French woman to talk to me, now she would not stop talking to me about the issues that brought her to protest.
Then more police arrived and the closed the street and this woman asked me to photograph the police actions, in order to document them. I did so. We said goodbye and left for the night around 10 p.m. The next time I came on October 10th, they were gone, forced by the police to either go to a shelter, “to drink coffee” with the police or to take the subway as Le Monde reported, and they later confirmed.
Housing Policies
There is something wrong when there is such a lack of housing for all types of people, and the government is doing nothing about it at the same time that apartments in the areas next to Paris are left burnt without any visible plans to fix them. The neoliberal logic must have already influenced France too much make it least likely to have active state financial participation to solve the issue. At the same time many state solutions have been tried, including public housing, projects, cites, incentives to build mix housing, 1 or 2% employer taxes dedicated to housing for immigrants, etc.; nonetheless, all these state policies have had unintended consequences. It seems that now the government prefers inaction.
Contentious Politics Prevents a Change in the Law to Further Exclude Immigrants Without Papers from “Emergency Housing”
Saturday, October 6, 2007
On October 4th, 2007 the French Senate moved to make a change in the law that would ban the access of undocumented immigrants to public “emergency housing”
«toute personne accueillie dans une structure d'hébergement d'urgence doit pouvoir y demeurer, dès lors qu'elle le souhaite, jusqu'à ce qu'une orientation lui soit proposée si elle peut justifier de la régularité de son séjour sur le territoire dans des conditions définies par décret en Conseil d'Etat. » le Monde/AFP October 6th, 2007.
The next day, after, a series of protests, mobilizations, sit-ins and other contentious performances (Tilly, 2006) by immigrant “associations” (how the French call NGO’s and civil society groups), the Senate withdrew the law project and forced the resignation of the proposal.
Civil society organizations have taken over buildings throughout France demanding that the sans papiers are given access to documents and legal residence.
Furthermore, after the French government set a goal to deport 25,000 illegal immigrants by the end of the year, French families are hiding immigrants without papers in their houses to prevent deportations. Recently at least two people had died while jumping out of their balconies to hide from raids at their apartments.
Chrisafis, Angelique. 2007. "The crackdown" The Guardina UK. Wednesday October 3, 2007
This article at the Guardian of UK reports about this specific issue and it gives a overview of the general issues at stake regarding current immigration to France.
I have lived in other tough housing markets such as Berkeley, California and New York City but Paris today is much worse. I tried hard to live in a heavily immigrant neighborhood but I did not have enough economic guarantees and papers so the only apartment I could get was through social networks, a third degree connection (a friend of a friend of a friend). I was lucky to meet this person at the right time otherwise I would have stayed homeless for a while. Leaving on the west of the city and spending most of the day in the south, north and east of Paris will force me to compare all the social poles of the city.
No doubt there is a problem with housing in Paris, and a structural discrimination against foreigners and therefore immigrants. I will have to look more into this.
I went to the last station of one of the subway lines going into the banlieu de St. Denis just outside of Paris. What I found really shocked me. 1st the University founded after "the contentious events of 1968" to make university more accessible to the disenfranchised and where Michel Foucault taught for many years.
I used their great library and I was happy to find many minority students working hard on Sunday even before the semester started.
Then I walked outside of St. Denis into the town of Stain. What I found was incredible. Nice public housing, and next to it open green lands, not to mention burn up apartments who are not being repaired!
And next door:
The streets and buildings in the village of Stain have names such as Salvador Allende and Che Guevara!
Here a couple of pictures from the streets around the Belleville, Jourdain, and Porte des Lilas Metro stations in the East of Paris.
Including on a the few areas being developed right now which include a new "International House" for students, as well as housing for the elderly and mix use and public areas. No doubt a set of urban planners is behind this.
When I first visited New York in 1995 I was a young high school student, at the Monterrey Tech in Mexico City, who had been selected to participate in a United Nations simulation. The conference was held at the Sheraton Hotel next to Grand Central Station. To me, at that time, New York equaled Midtown. Times Square was the frontier, since in those days it was practically a red light district and somewhat dangerous, or more precisely, it had a particular look that Giuliani made sure to send underground.
When I moved to New York to attend graduate school in 2003, Times Square was more like an open door theme park not unlike Disneyland, in that it was mainly aimed at tourists and there were many stores to buy food, souvenirs, DVDs, etc. It was a sign of the new times, and the rise of real state value, when the New York Times newspaper, which gave the area its name, decided to move its headquarters out of Times Square a few years ago.
My mental map of New York expanded by moving north of the Upper West Side to what many view as Harlem, and what Columbia (partly with an aim towards gentrification) emphatically calls Morningside Heights. Gentrification is happening, even before the formal expansion north takes place, since in just four years the streets around W122St and Amsterdam where I lived, in many ways the former boundaries of Columbia, have been filled with new restaurants, cafes, student housing buildings, and new building for the School of Social Work.
In order to profit from cheaper groceries, food and rent, I moved to the Bronx in the summer of 2008 -thus greatly expanding what New York meant for me on a practical and day to day basis.
Paris
In the same way, my personal map of Paris has changed a lot through the years. I first came to Paris as a young college student trying to practice the French that I was learning at U.C. Berkeley. I arrived in the summer of 2001 with my backpack, ready to walk and absorb all the attractions and sights. I stayed in a bed and breakfast on the Rue Gay-Lussac in the Quartier Latin, very close to the Luxemburg Gardens and the Pantheon which were my “local” favorites. I say local since as a first-timer, Paris for me seemed to be mainly the quarters closer to the center that included the Louvre, Notre Dame, le Centre Pompidou and the famous bridges. Being “so far south” in the Quartier Latin seemed to me like living along the border of French civilization amongst homeless, drug users and poor students like me (it almost felt like Berkeley :).
Le Pantheon and Rue Sufflot in the Quartier Latin, Paris. Photos Ernesto Castaneda all rights reserved.
I came back to Paris in 2003 before going to a real U.N. meeting on nuclear disarmament at Geneva. This time I stayed with a friend who was an exchange student at Sciences-Po and lived in the north of Paris. This time I recognized how central and beautiful the southern part of the Latin Quarter was (I never had doubts about the qualities of the northern part which included the opulent boulevards de Saint Germain and Saint Michele as well as the mythical Sorbonne). What is true, to my defense, is that the old building that used to be the bed and breakfast of my first stay was closed and being demolished for what the sign in the door said were “unsafe and threatening conditions.”
In 2005, I spent one month living in the border of the 19eme and 20eme arrondissements in the street of Olivier Métra near the Metro Jourdain. The neighborhood had its charms and I loved it; it was visibly inhabited by many immigrants, therefore many of my friends who visited, and many Parisians as well, considered it “unsafe” (although it wasn’t really). No doubt it was a working class neighborhood as most of Eastern Paris used to be. That time I felt I was really living on the frontier of Paris since the first region of the city officially ends to the west on these quarters.
I visited the neighborhood in 2007 responding to a housing offer posted online at pap.fr. After what I thought was a positive and friendly call (which was unique in that the 25 previous others said that their place was already rented - “C’est déjà loue”) Even given the high demand, I wondered if they really were all already rented, or if this was the response I received partly because of my particular accent, which marked me as an outsider.
I went to see this place in Belleville. I found that there were at least six other people interested in the studio, although it was extremely small. A young Asian couple was especially competitive. They talked to the owner while in the place saying they were interested. The owner asked for a long list of papers including a letter indicating that their parents would be co-responsible for the rent but this would only be valid if they lived in France.
So, it turned out that in just a couple of years the area of La Porte des Lilas, a little further north than Metro Jourdain on the Boulevard de Belleville, had turned into what a French friend called “bobo” (meaning both bohemian and bourgeois) (for the origin of the term see David Brooks’ book of cultural commentary titled Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There for further discussion of this very term). I took my friend’s comment to mean “gentrifying” or what in French they call “embourgeoisement.” While the great immigrant-owned and managed food stores, bakeries and restaurants (as well as social housing) remained the same, many of the customers had changed, and were now students and young professionals co-habiting along with the Chinese, holding strong along with many longtime Algerians and sub-Saharan Africans.
The apartment I visited was taken immediately. For its size it had seemed too expensive but after looking at many other places in Saint Ouen and Saint Denis, it seems more like the norm. These are banlieues since they are really outside of Paris and in the working class, eastern part of the city, and yet are livable and safe according to young professionals I spoke to, though not according to older generations of French who have warned me to be careful when I go there. So is this, the next phase of gentrification, or will neighborhoods like St. Denis will become places were immigrants, and college graduate and working class French will cohabit?
On a gourmand note, I must confess that in the spirit of economization and acculturation, I had my first full baguette as dinner that day while walking through all these neighborhoods that I used to live in, and I rather enjoyed the taste of the bread alone.
For a more sociological perspective and more information on the gentrification of Paris see:Pinçon, Michel; Monique Pinçon-Charlot.2004."Sociologie de Paris". La Decouverte.